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Tuesday, 15 May 2018

Faces of the Rohingya

Source SBS,

Across the road from Springvale train station, about 20 kilometres southeast of Melbourne’s CBD, there is an unmarked café—the Rohingya Bazaar.

Along one wall, shelves are stacked with produce from Myanmar—biscuits, rice, noodles, spices and sauces. There are few customers but they stay a long time, sitting on the orange plastic chairs and talking at the long row of tables in the middle of the shop, or charging their phones at the tables by the other wall. People order coffee with condensed milk, or a plate of rice with curries from the bain-marie. Young men step outside for a cigarette and then return. One man has the remote control for the TV and chooses a string of Taylor Swift video clips from YouTube.
"We’re the most unwanted community in the world".
Shawfikul Islam comes in, wearing double denim and a backwards baseball cap. He arranged to meet here, but he’s late because he has been at the police station, helping interpret for two men who were in a dispute. The Rohingya are a Muslim ethnic group in Myanmar—although the country’s government refuses to use the word ‘Rohingya’, and considers them illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Shawfikul explains that there are 500 Rohingya in Melbourne—mostly living in Springvale—and about 3000 in Australia. Mainly, they are young men like him. “For Rohingya boys growing up, the dream is to escape,” he explains. “We’re the most unwanted community in the world.”
Shawfikul begins to introduce people in the community, starting with Kabir, the owner of the café.
Kabir Ahmed is 44 years old. He is slim, clean-shaven and fresh-faced. He took over the premises at the start of the year and intends to make a sign as soon as he can, but he’s very busy: the café is open from 9 am to 10 pm every day. Kabir has eight children, including two sets of twin boys. Several of them squeal around the café while he stands beneath a low fluorescent light at the counter, or sits with his customers, or disappears to run errands. His youngest daughter was born in Australia, after everyone arrived by boat from Malaysia in 2013. Kabir is waiting and hoping for a visa that will allow his family a pathway to permanent residency. “I had no work rights in Malaysia,” he says. “In Australia, I have support.”
The monsoon is troubling many people we meet at the café.
When Kabir was a teenager, he fled from Rakhine State—the coastal province in Myanmar where most Rohingya have lived for generations—and into Bangladesh, but five years later he was repatriated by force. It still wasn’t safe, so he fled again. Last year, he says, his aunt and nephew were shot and killed by the military. Kabir’s brothers and sisters escaped to Cox’s Bazar in south-eastern Bangladesh. About one million Rohingya live there now, in over a dozen makeshift refugee camps. Ahmed is worried about how his family will cope as the monsoon season begins. The monsoon is troubling many people we meet at the café. The first rains have begun, but the heaviest falls will come from June to September—during these months alone, the region averages more than five times Melbourne’s annual rainfall.
Ash
Ash Ashrafalie started work this morning at 7 am at a lettuce and herb farm on Melbourne’s outskirts. When he finished, he came to the café. At the farm, he labours in the fields—picking, cutting and bunching leaves—and he enjoys the work. His father was a farmer too. Ash grew up in Rakhine State, where they would grow vegetables or rice, or go fishing, depending on the season. Since late last year, he has been working six days a week so he can support wife and three of his siblings, and their families, who are living in refugee camps in Bangladesh. One of his sisters fled from Myanmar last year when her village was attacked—she is among the estimated 700,000 Rohingya who have crossed the border since August. “Her baby was 14 days old, but she wasn’t able to take her baby. She couldn’t manage to… she couldn’t...” he says, trailing off. He is stony-faced. The baby died in the fire as her house burnt down. His cousin and his uncle died too.
He does not know how his family will survive the coming months. Cyclone Mora hit the district on May 30 last year, killing at least seven people and destroying or damaging over 50,000 houses. Since then, the camps have quadrupled in size and large areas of forest have been cleared, as people seek land and firewood. The hills are now bare; there will be landslides and flash floods and water-borne diseases. “I am doing what I can,” Ash says. “It is up to God.”
He has not seen his wife since 2007, but they speak every day. She gave birth to their child after he’d fled to Thailand, but the baby became sick and died. He says his wife was not permitted to leave their village to visit a doctor for the boy. Ash maintains strong eye contact as he speaks—he is determined that his situation be understood. His parents died after he left too and he could not go to their funerals.
Setara
Setara Begum is in the kitchen, making samosas, her blue apron protecting a sparkly silver jumper. She is 39 years old and she has been married to Kabir, who owns the café, since 1994. Their marriage was arranged by their parents in Myanmar. Their youngest daughter—the one who was born in Australia—hasn’t yet started school, but their eldest two children are already married with three kids of their own. Setara works looking after the family and she never has time to relax—she laughs at the thought of relaxation, when I ask. But she does like going to Chelsea beach on Port Phillip Bay with a picnic, because the kids enjoy running on the sand. She helps Kabir at Rohingya Bazaar when she can. “I feel happy about the café,” she says. “Not only about the business, but also because the community has a place to share.”
Setara’s mother and sisters are still in Myanmar, and her other sisters are in Bangladesh—she speaks with them as often as the patchy phone network will allow. “They are still scared,” she says, “scared of burning houses, scared for their lives.” They are not alone in their fear. A UN report about the violence in 2017 stated that “the widespread threat and use of sexual violence was integral” to the military’s strategy. “Violence was visited upon women, including pregnant women, who are seen as custodians and propagators of ethnic identity.”
When she was growing up in Rakhine State, Setara didn’t get to go to school, but now she goes to English classes once or twice a week. Rohingya are stateless—in 1982 the Myanmar government passed a law to deny them citizenship. Without those papers, they have no rights to education or health services, and they’re not free to travel outside their villages. Recently, Setara’s young sons told her they want to be doctors, engineers and teachers. “The environment is not like that in Myanmar. You don’t have a chance to dream like that,” she says.
Anwar
Anwar Ibrahim was one when his parents escaped from Myanmar to Bangladesh and he spent four years there in a refugee camp. Then the family was smuggled by boat to Malaysia, where they lived without rights to work or access to education and healthcare. When Anwar was fourteen, he boarded a small boat from Indonesia to Christmas Island. He was alone. “The waves were as big as a mountain,” he recalls. At the time, he spoke Rohingya, Malaysian and Bengali, but not English. He had always wanted to go to school and, finally, after he was released from Australian immigration detention, he started year nine. Last year, proud and relieved to successfully complete year 12, he remembered his first exam: “I was in tears, because I didn’t have any clue about maths. I couldn’t complete the tasks.”
Now, he’s 19 years old, fresh out of school, studying sports and recreation at TAFE, working at a sports centre and playing on the left wing for White Star Dandenong soccer club. “I really want to be in this country. This is where I belong," he says. Anwar’s parents and four younger brothers remain in Malaysia, but because he is on a bridging visa, he cannot travel to visit them. They speak every weekend. He also has relatives in Rakhine State. In the violence last year, some of them escaped, some got stuck, and some got killed. “I don’t want to think about it, because when I do, I can’t focus, I can’t study. Sport gives me a way to pass the time.”
Jumabi
Jumabi Mohamad Ali sometimes goes to Rohingya Bazaar for a meal with her husband, Ali Sharif, when she is too tired to cook. It’s the place to get the food she loves. “Everything is curry. Spicy curry,” she says, warmly. In the bain-marie, there are two kinds of fish and chicken curries, but the beef is the hottest of all. Jumabi is 28 years old. Her children are 14, 12 and 10. She was born in Yangon, the capital of Myanmar, and grew up in Malaysia, where her family fled after her father was murdered by Buddhist extremists. Her mother had seven children to support, so she worked illegally seven days a week, cleaning and cooking for other families—she still does. Jumabi and her siblings had to work too.
Jumabi has had two lives: one ended on the boat; another one began in Australia.
Jumabi has nightmares about the sea. She’s had two lives, she says: one ended on the boat; another one began in Australia. She opens a folder to show off a sheath of laminated certificates, detailing the volunteering she has done and the courses she has completed since she arrived in Melbourne in 2013. At a women’s centre she learnt embroidery—she stitched colourful maps of Australia and Burma side-by-side and hung them on her wall. She began volunteering at Springvale Rise Primary School in 2016, and a year later, she started working there full time as a multicultural educator, running playgroups and supporting teachers. On Mondays and Tuesdays after work, she goes to English class. “When my mum called and I told her I found a job here, she couldn’t believe it,” Jumabi says. “Sometimes she cries. She says, ‘My daughter is very lucky.’”
Abdul
Every day of my life I think, ‘How can I be with them?
Abdul Rohim begins to cry when he mentions his family. He will turn 50 this year, but it is more than a decade since he saw his wife, daughter and son. They have been held in an internment camp in southern Rakhine State since 2012 and they are not allowed to leave. His wife is very ill, he says, but there is no medical care. Eight families are crowded into a bamboo shelter. He is always homesick, but he cannot return. “Every day of my life I think, ‘How can I be with them?’ My head feels like it is boiling,” he says, taking off his cap and pointing at the peak of his forehead. “I go to the wall and hit my head and cry. I try not to think, but the next day it comes to my mind again.”
It was his big dream that one day he would educate his children. For now at least, they are going to school. Whenever he speaks to them, he always asks what they are learning. “My daughter is very good at studying—she likes chemistry. But I am worried for their future. I am far away, and I am getting older.”
Abdul comes to the café nearly every day. He meets friends and speaks in Rohingya. “It makes me feel better,” he says. In Rakhine State, he was a fisherman. He hasn’t been fishing in Melbourne, but when he was held in immigration detention near Weipa, on Cape York, he was given permission to go fishing three times.
Rehana
Rehana Rafique was born in Malaysia, where her parents had fled years earlier. She has never been to Myanmar, but her parents always say it’s beautiful. “My dad told me he had a big house there. They were rich—like, normal rich,” she says. In Malaysia, ten people lived in their small rented house, and Rehana remembers always doing chores: helping her aunts with cleaning and her dad with selling fruit. Malaysia hasn’t signed the 1951 UN Refugee Convention, so the family lived at risk of arrest or deportation.
Rehana and her family arrived in Australia by boat in 2012, just before the Labor government re-opened the offshore detention centres on Manus Island and Nauru. Many people who came after them remain offshore, but they were held in Darwin for only one month. Now 19, Rehana was 13 years old and she loved detention—you could play with other kids all the time and there was no housework. When an immigration officer asked what career she wanted, she replied: “I want to become like you”. She intends to stick to her word. She finished high school last year and is studying a diploma of justice at TAFE. Rehana had never been to school before she arrived in Australia. “My first year, I just stayed quiet,” she says. “Now my friends say ‘Shut up Rehana—you talk too much!’”
Every Friday for two years she has volunteered at Springvale Neighbourhood House, using her six languages—besides English—to support and interpret for other women in the suburb. Often, the women are dealing with family violence. She is also helping Victoria Police develop a mobile app for the Rohingya community, with audio recordings that provide information about social services. The illiteracy rate among Rohingya is estimated to be 80 per cent, and even higher among women.
Each day after class, Rehana is expected to return home by 4 pm. Parties are out of the question. “My parents don’t like it when girls go outside. They say it’s rude,” she explains. Many of her friends are already married. “I tell my parents I’m too young and I have to study more.”
Shawfikul
Shawfikul Islam had ducked out for a little while between interviews, but he returns and signals to Kabir for a coffee. When it arrives, he stirs the condensed milk from the bottom of the cup and talks about himself, quietly.
When he was eight years old, he moved with his family from Rakhine State to Yangon. He had to travel in disguise, wearing thanaka on his cheeks—a white makeup common for women and children in Myanmar—with a Buddhist friend who pretended to be his father. At that time, Shawfikul explains, middle-class Rohingya families could live safely in the capital by bribing their way out of problems. He was able to go to school and university, but he had a habit of talking back against slurs and discrimination. “I was always in trouble,” he says. Eventually, following a serious dispute, he had to leave and seek asylum. Now, he is 31 years old and he’s been in Australia for five years, but his wife and 6-year-old son and his parents and siblings remain in Myanmar. His grandmother is in a refugee camp in Bangladesh; a few months ago they spoke by video call. “I couldn’t control my tears,” he says. “I don’t make video calls anymore.”
We can’t wait for solutions to be given to us, we have to build ourselves up.
In Melbourne, Shawfikul heard about Rohingya labourers who were being paid poorly, so he contacted the National Union of Workers to see if it could help. Now he works for the union, organising farm and poultry workers like Ash to demand their rights. Shawfikul uses his spare time, and his English, to assist the community however he can. It keeps him occupied. Sometimes, after translating for these interviews, he fell silent—people’s suffering is too heavy and he cannot carry his own grief. This week he took three days off work, to try to cope. But his father always helped people in need and he is trying to follow his father’s example. “Wherever you go, if you say you’re Rohingya, you will be looked upon as a victim. This has been going on for generations,” he says. “We can’t wait for solutions to be given to us, we have to build ourselves up.”
Here in Australia, Shawfikul sees that the Rohingya community has real opportunities. And even in Bangladesh he believes that if only ten people in a hundred can get educated, then they, in turn, can educate hundreds. “It will take decades, but I have hope and confidence that we will be looked upon as human—just like the next person.”

Saturday, 31 March 2018

Marxism'18 session: The Rohingya and The False promise of Suu Kyi

by admin, 


Marxism'18 session on "The Rohingya and The False promise of Suu Kyi" was held today 9.30am at Victorian College of Arts jointly with:
Refugee Action Collective, 
NUW and permanent supporter Tim de Beauvoir, 
a super Teacher from Adelaide who read out several pages about Suu Kyi,
many other individuals, students..

The discussion covered the following topics:
Rohingya Totally Destroyed,
Suu Kyi's power, 
Repatriation deal,
UNHCR's roles, 
Monopoly by IOM,
Actions of UN and intl communities, 

Rohingya situation in transit countries and in Australia also about captive Rohingya refugees in Manus and Nauru detentions. 

Speakers include Ms. HELEN, member of Permanent People Tribunal on Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Indonesia and Vietnam..

Thursday, 22 March 2018

Joint Statement on Ms. Suu Kyi attending Asean-Australia Special Summit International Convention Centre (Sydney, 17-18 March 2018)

by Admin, 
The Australian government and the NSW Police locked down the entire Darling Harbour, not allowing any protest for 16, 17, 18 March 2018 where Asean Australia Special Summit taking place and Ms. Suu Kyi got warm welcome..
The Protest was therefore shifted to Sydney Town Hall Square and began from 10am and ended by 2pm. Over 500 members from Vietnamese, Cambodian, Laos, Rohingyan, APHEDA, NUW and many other from different societies and individuals including MPs have actively participated in the event. 
The following four pages long statement detailing about Rohingya crisis was read out by Mr. Habib on behalf of Rohingya community from Queensland, Melbourne and Sydney.

For Short video clip of
protest (1),
Joint Statement on  Ms. Suu Kyi attending Asean-Australia Special Summit  
International Convention Centre (Sydney, 17-18 March 2018)
On the event of Asean-Australia Special Summit, we Rohingya community from Australia would like to call the Australian government to raise cases of ongoing genocide, ethnic cleansing against Rohingya community in Arakan (Rakhine) state of western Burma (Myanmar).  
The native Rohingya people have been facing total destruction and driven out from their homelands under the military powered government NLD led by popular Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi.



The military powered NLD government led by Ms. Suu Kyi defiantly blocked the UN Inquiry Commission, foreign officials, independent journalists, agencies and ration supplies. As well as, the NLD government has constructed fake stories, provided reverse information, and dismissed the crisis on the ground by forming commission after commission and fancily fingering the minor defense of Rohingya resistant group ARSA that has actually done same as other armed ethnic groups. Also, her government signed the repatriation deal with Bangladesh in order to topple international pressures from the account of genocide and ethnic cleansing.

Indeed, types of vigilant attacks, ways of indiscriminately and arbitrary killings and usages of arms, brutal violent abuses and rapes, massive destruction of historical buildings, homelands and identities and cases of systematic oppression, repression, restriction, confinement, persecution, unlawful arrest, corporal and collective punishments, practicing unlawful discriminatory laws and orders, permanent restriction in every social, cultural, welfare, health-care, education and livelihood sectors and cutting off of electricity and waters, are clear pictures of genocide, ethnic cleansing and war crimes.


The attack from 25 Aug 2017 in Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships by government armed forces jointly with Rakhine armed force ALP and government trained Rakhine gangs, used fight helicopters, tanks, machine guns, rocket launchers and killed brutally and indiscriminately. Women and girls as young as aged 12 were raped in front of their relatives and in the public and shot dead brutally, children including babies were slaughtered, burnt and buried alive, laying landmines along the ways of fleeing.
MSF report showed about 10,000 dead among the arrivals of just in the first month. According to the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) cited data from the Bangladeshi government that puts the number of “lost” parents as high as 43,700 people.  
The death toll is significantly high If we count the number of parents lost for current 40,000 orphans plus family members who lost their husband, wife, children, siblings. Arrest including children and people who teaching Rohingya kids, distributing rations, language support workers, medical assistance providers, bearing phones, having radio and foreign contacts. Looting goods and cash, crops and animals. Up to date, more than 400 villages of total about 485 villages have been completely razed down and the government forces bulldozed the remnant parts of the building by following days. Nearly 700,000 out of estimated 770,000 Rohingyans were forced into Bangladesh thru ravines and jungles. Some drown to death, some died with wounds, and some died from starvation.  
Today, 90% of total Rohingya population from these 3 regions were driven out, destruction of the remaining houses continue, the rest Rohingyans are trapped and facing horrible attacks, deadly starvation and Rohingya lands are clearing and replacing with mega projects and military base camps.  

Similar attacks in Oct 2016 under the banner of so call 'clearance operation', the government trained Rakhine people and armed members of Arakan Liberation Party were actively involved in the operation and began with physical tortures, violent rapes, looting, extortion, destruction of properties and religious buildings, arbitrary arrest and imprisonment of about 800 Rohingyans involving children as young as aged 12,  killing over hundred of innocent Rohingya villagers and over 90,000 villagers were forced into Bangladesh.

Vigilant Attack From 8 of June 2012, razed down about (120) religious buildings, over (23,000) houses from (95) villages across (13) different townships of Arakan state, killing over 10,000 of Rohingyans and Kamans mostly from Sittwe region, about 200,000 Rohingya and Kaman people displaced and about 110,000 of whom are  in 13 to 15 camps of Sittwe (Akyab) city and the rest about (65,000) those from other 8 regions in 26 camps are in aid workers unreachable areas. It been over five years now our Rohingyas and Kamans of Rakhine (Arakan) state have been totally excluded, segregated, confined systematically with blockage of aid and ration supplies and ending up in concentration camps.

The government authorities have been directly involved by deploying the securities forces and joining the attacks vigilantly on the ground, introducing (laws and orders, curfew) and trapping the Rohingya villagers, openly allowing the aggressive armed Rakhine people trespassing and attacking of innocent unarmed Rohingya villagers. The attacks were very well planned that dispatching the gang members everywhere across Arakan, supplying one factory made arms such as arrows and knives, looting (goods, cash, crops and animals) and razing houses, allowing security forces to shot the Rohingyas, bulldozing the buildings those were not destroyed by following day and seizing lands of Rohingyans which were burnt down, disposing the  displaced Rohingya victims into concentration camps, blocking of aid and foods supplies, destroying previous identities and forcing to accept foreigner identity in the mid of humanitarian crisis.

The ousted Thein Sein government itself invited the UNHCR chief to relocate all Rohingyans to a third country in Aug 2012. Additionally, by member of parliament and chairman of Rakhine National Development Party, Dr. Aye Maung (a Bangladeshi by birth) interviewed with Venus News Journal on 14 June 2012 said  “the Rakhine state should be established in the same way Israel was initially established”.
Lately, the current top military general Min Aung Hlaing said on 1st Sept 2017 that the ongoing operation in Rakhine state is ‘unfinished businesses from world war II.


The attacks not end with Rohingya, but extended to different other muslims living in central Burma. From late 2012, with the incitements and intimidation of ex-prisoner fake monk Wirathu and his guider well known abbot Tidagu, the attacks swiftly spread across Yangon, Mandalay, Pagu, Saigaing, Magwe regions where killing hundreds, and displacing tens of thousands and burnt down thousand of houses. Some radical nationalist Burman Buddhist people have proudly declared and hanged up the banner of muslim free villages and many of those displaced Burmese muslims are still not allowed to relocate in their village of origin.
It made very clear that the attacks target not only Rohingya but entire muslim population of Burma. There are other ethnic groups in Rakhine state called Kaman who are recognized within 135 ethnic groups but they too were ended up similarly and pushed into concentration camps and labeled as ''illegal immigrants''.
There are uncounted numbers of Rohingyans and Kamans have been killed, arrested and imprisoned during their escape from northern Arakan state thru inland waters and by lands. Many groups including children and women were arrested on the arrival to central regions of Burma.

The fact is that despite the government fancily fingers onto the small number of Rohingya armed resistant group (ARSA), the ARSA not actually existed in most of those over 400 villages destroyed and the attacks not targeted ARSA, nor arrest any of ARSA members even though the ARSA has been in the region for almost two years. In the other hand, the actions done by ARSA in 30 different areas were also part of minor defense and done same as other armed ethnic groups defending against the government armed forces' ongoing brutalities.
It is also note that the cases of Rohingya are neither new, nor unknown but it is long rooted and well-known to international community. Since the military ruled the country from 1962, the government utilized various tactics and used different armed forces, security forces, nationalists and Rakhine people.

In 1994-95, the command of former S.G  (1) Gen. Khin Nyunt under the dictator Than Shwe (SLORC) government, taken away about 4,000 youths from  northern regions and they never returned dead or alive, forced about 10,000 Rohingyas fled into Bangladesh, seizing of Rohingya lands and replaced with new settler Rakhine people and convicted Burman prisoners.

Pyitaryar Operation in 1991 under dictator Than Shwe (SLORC) government, killing hundreds and thousands jailed, mostly from  Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Rathidaung, Sittwe townships. Over 270,000 Rohingyas were forced to fled and hosted in 20 refugees camps of Bangladesh and some of about 35,000 of them forcefully repatriated. And the government continued seizing, demolishing, vandalizing of historic buildings, villages of Rohingya and replaced with new settlers and military base camps.

Nagamin Operation in 1978 under dictator Ne Win (BSPP) government, killing in confrontation, sinking the ships load of Rohingyans and thousands of Rohingyans jailed from various parts of Arakan state, seizing and vandalizing Rohingya lands, historical buildings. About 300,000 Rohingyans were forced to fled into Bangladesh and about 200,000 of them forcefully repatriated under the so call bilateral agreement.
Step by step, years after years, the tyrant central rulers have achieved its strategies of eradication of Rohingya and Kaman from home lands. It began with erasing our identity, seized our lands, destroying our properties, looting and rapes, arrest, detention and killing our people.

The government introduced 1982 citizenship laws and conducted various forms of population checks and forcing to accept foreigner identity, seizing and destroying their residential documents and not allowing to recourse to become new citizenship even though Rohingyans are qualified to be citizen and ethnic group under 1982 citizenship laws. Following year of 1983, Gwa, Taungup, Tandwe and Ponnagyuan townships were defined as muslim-free-zones by the  government. It is tantamount to official killing license offering to Rakhine people. Hundreds of Rohingyas and Kamans those captured in these regions were brutally executed by Rakhine people.
Up to date, over a million of Rohingya people have been forced into foreign countries. Less than 100,000 Rohingyans left in northern regions (Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships), another about 300,000 Rohingyas and Kamans left in systematic confinement including about 150,000 people in 42 concentration camps in Southern regions.

Today majority of people and the government authorities are jointly denying our existence and attacking our people.  Every second, every minute and every day for Rohingya is counting the deaths, destruction, attacks, rapes, arson and massive displacement. Therefore, Rohingya need a safe zone/statehood/protectorate/autonomy state, but not repatriation.

The Repatriation Agreement signed between Bangladesh and Myanmar is not new but it is similar like back in 1992 and 1978. On the return, repatriated Rohingyans were forcefully issued the Temporary Registration Card known as (White Card) with promises of relocation, rehabilitation, citizenship rights, lifting restriction. The promises are never delivered and the government slowly achieved issuing of White Card to the overall population in Northern Rakhine state and placed tougher restriction on traveling.
Later, the White Card came to introduce in Southern Arakan (SRS) and many acting Rohingya leaders from both Southern and Northern regions were detained for resisting it. It was not successful in Southern regions until 2002 and therefore the government changed the card's colour, some written words and forced to have each household to bear at least one that written Bengali race, or mix or non-description of race.
Lately after June 2012 crisis, the government planned to issue same type of foreigner identity with new name (National verification cards- NVC).  By laws, the NVC card issuing is for verification of the undocumented non-citizens. It is nothing to do with Rohingya people who have been issued nationality identities, recognized as an ethnic group and having records of inhabitant.
Many Rohingyans refugees today reloaded in Bangladesh are repatriated former refugees of 1978 and 1991.
In case other countries insist or support the Bangladesh government's repatriation deal, these countries will require to engage the Myanmar government undertake its said promises to be delivered firstly with the remaining Rohingyans and Kamans including those in 42 concentration camps.

Since Myanmar government has been actively terrorizing minorities including Rohingya, Kaman, Karen, Shan, Kachin and create regional instability, we would like to call international communities and developed nations including  Australian government need to counter such terror actions.

Australia as a member of UNSC, resettling Rohingya refugees and part of funding country, we would like to demand:
1) The Australian government to jointly take part in taking effective action onto Burmese government to halt ongoing genocide, ethnic cleansing, waging wars and to stabilize the situation on the ground, and  to persuade Suu Kyi government to ‘uphold rules of laws‘ to equally guarantee safety, security, dignity and rights of the entire population.
2) Australian government to pressurize over Ms. Suu Kyi government to allow UN Inquiry Commission accessing on the ground for investigation and to take effective and solid action against the main perpetrators who are directly involved in the crimes and to refer to ICC.
3) The Australian government to persuade Ms. Suu Kyi government to immediately lift all kinds of restrictions, attacks and suspend the blockages of food and aid supplies.
4) Australian government to press Ms. Suu Kyi led NLD government to release all muslim political prisoners from central Burma and thousands of Rohingya prisoners involving children as young as aged 12 mostly detained in Sittwe Central Jail, Buthidaung Jail and many others who are detained in police lock-up and military camps.
5) If the above recommendations are unable to do so, the Australian government to support Rohingya themselves to eventually establish a safe zone (or) a statehood (or) protectorate state (or) autonomy state  thru Security Council R2P Resolution.
6) Australian government to cut business ties, suspend military aid and abandon Woodside petroleum project with Burma.
7) Australian government to ban entry visa of Ms. Suu Kyi, military generals and their family members visiting, studying and investment in Australia.
8) We also would like to call Australian National University to revoke doctorate award given to Ms. Suu Kyi in 2013.

Endorsed by:
-RISE Refugees Organization, http://riserefugee.org/ 
-Burmese Rohingya Community in Australia (Sydney), http://www.brca.org.au/ 
-Australian Burmese Rohingya Organization (Melbourne), http://abro.org.au/ 
-QRC-Queensland Rohingya Community
-Burmese Rohingya Association in Queensland Australia (BRAQA)